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sihe publication of the first edition of this pahlet, or rather, on the sa day on which it ca out, the kings speech de its appearan this city.had the spirit of prophecy directed the birth of this produ, iuld not have brought it forth, at a re seasonable juncture, or a re necessary ti.
the bloody ndedness of the one, shew the y of pursuing the doe of the other.men read by way of revenge.
and the speech, instead of terrifying, prepared a way for the nly principles of independance.
cereny, and even, silence, frowhatever tive they y arise, have a hurtful tendency, when they give the least degree of teo base and wicked perfornces; wherefore, if this xibe adtted, it naturally follows, that the kings speech, as being a piece of finished villany, deserved, and still deserves, a general execration both by the gress and the people.yet, as the dostic tranquillity of a nation, depends greatly, on the chastity of what y properly be called national manners, it is ofteer, to pass so things over in silent disdain, than to ke use of suew thods of dislike, as ght introduce the least innovation, on that guardian of our pead safety.and, perhaps, it is chiefly owing to this prudent delicacy, that the kings speech, hath not, before now, suffered a public execution.
the speech if it y be called one, is nothier than a wilful audac&a;a;lt;cite&a;a;gt;&a;a;lt;/cite&a;a;gt;ious libel against the truth, the on good, and the existenankind; and is a forl and poous thod ofup hun sacrifices to the pride of tyrants.
but this general ssaankind.is one of the privileges, and the certain sequence of kings; for as nature knows thenot, they know not her, and although they are beings of our owing, they know not us, and are bee the gods of their creators.
the speech hath one good quality, which is, that it is not calculated to deceive, herwe, even if we would, be deceived by it.
brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it.it leaves us at no loss: and every line vinces, even in the nt of reading, that he, who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and untutored indian, is less a savage than the king of britain.
sir john dalryle, the putative father of a whiniical piece, fallaciously called, &a;a;a;quot;the addre&a;a;lt;q&a;a;gt;..&a;a;lt;/q&a;a;gt;ss of the people of _england_ to the inhabitants of _america_,&a;a;a;quot; hath, perhaps, froa vain supposition, that the people here were to be frighte the po and description of a king, given, (though very unwisely on his part) the real character of the present one:&a;a;a;quot;but&a;a;a;quot; says this writer, &a;a;a;quot;if you are io pay plints to an adnistration, which we do not plain of,&a;a;a;quot; (aning the marquis ha at the repeal of the sta act) &a;a;a;quot;it is very unfair in you to withhold thefrothat prince by whose _nod alohey were permitted to do any thing.&a;a;a;quot; this is toryiswith a witness!here is idolatry even without a sk: and he whocaly hear, and digest such doe, hath forfeited his claito rationality an apostate frothe order of nhood; and ought to be sidered as one, who hath not only given up the prnity of n, but sunk hielf beh the rank of anils, and ptibly crawl through the world like a wor
however, it tters very little now, what the king of englaher says or does; he hath wickedly broken through every ral and hun obligation, traled nature and sce beh his feet; and by a steady and stitutional spirit of insolend cruelty, procured for hielf an universal hatred.it is now the i of arica to provide for herself.
she hath already a large and young faly, whoit is re her duty to take care of, than to be granting away her property, to support a power who is bee a reproach to the nas of n and christians--ye, whose office it is to watch over the rals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or denonation ye are of, as well as ye, who, are re iediately the guardians of the public liberty, if ye wish to preserve your native try uninated by europearruption, ye st i wish a separation--but leaving the ral part to private refle, i shall chiefly finefarther rerks to the following heads.
first.that it is the i of arica to be separated frobritain.
sedly.which is the easiest and st practicable plan, reciliation or independance? with so oasional rerks.
in support of the first, uld, if i judged it proper, produce the opinion of so of the ablest and st experienced n on this ti; and whose ses, on that head, are not yet publicly known.it is iy a self-evident position: for no nation in a state of fn dependance, lited in its erce, and craed aered in its legislative powers,ever arrive at any terial enenbsp; arica doth not yet knoulence is; and although the progress which she hath de stands unparalleled in the history of other nations, it is but childhood, pared with what she would be capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the legislative powers in her own hands.
england is, at this ti, proudlveting what would do her no good, were she to aplish it; and the ti hesitating on a tter, which will be her final ruin if ed.it is the erd not the quest of arica, by whigland is to he beed, and that would in a great asure tinue, were the tries as independant of each other as frand spain; because in ny articles, hergo to a better rket.but it is the independance of this try on britain or any other, which is now the in and only object worthy of tention, and which, like all other truths dvered by y, will appear clearer and stronger every day.
first.because it will e to that oi or other.
sedly.because, the lo is delayed the harder it will be to aplish.
i have frequently ased self both in publid private panies, with silently rerking, the specious errors of those who speak without refleg.and ang the ny which i have heard, the following see the st general, viz.
that had this rupture happened forty or fifty years hence, instead of now, the ti would have been re able to have shaken off the dependao which i reply, that our litary ability, at this time, arises frothe experience gained in the last war, and whi forty or fifty years ti, would have been totally extinbsp; the ti, would not, by that ti, have had a general, or even a litary officer left; and we, or those who y sueed us, would have been as ignorant of rtial tters as the a indians:and this single position, closely atteo, will unanswerably prove, that the present ti is preferable to all others.the argunt turns thus--at the clusion of the last war, we had experience, but wanted nuers; and forty or fifty years hence, we should have nuers, without experience; wherefore, the proper point of ti, st be so particular poiweewo extres, in which a sufficy of the forr reins, and a proper increase of the latter is obtained:and that point of ti is the present ti.
the reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly e uhe head i first set out with, and to which i agaiurn by the following position, viz.
should affairs he patched up with britain, and she to rein the g and sn power of arica, (which, as tters are now circutanced, is giving up the poiirely) we shall deprive ourselves of the very ans of sinking the debt we have, or y trabsp; the value of the back lands whie of the provinces are destinely deprived of, by the unjust extension of the lits of ada, valued only at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, aunt to upwards of twenty-five llions, pennsylvania currency; and the quit-rents at one penny sterling per acre, to two llions yearly.
it is by the sale of those lands that the debt y be sunk, without burthen to any, and the quit-rent reserved thereon, will always lessen, and in ti, will wholly support the yearly expence of gover.it tters not how long the debt is in paying, so that the lands when sold be applied to the discharge of it, and for the execution of which, the gress for the ti being, will be the tial trustees. .
i proceed now to the sed head, viz.which is the easiest and st practicable plan, reciliation or lndependance; with so oasional rerks.
he who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of his argunt, and on that ground, i answer generally--that _independance_ being a _single simple liained within ourselves; and reciliation, a matter exceedingly perplexed and plicated, and in which, a treacherous capricious court is to interfere, gives the answer without a doubt.
the present state of arica is truly alarng to every n who is capable of reflexion.without law, without gover, without any other de of power than what is founded on, and granted burtesy.
held together by an unexaled currence of se, which, is heless subject to ge, and which, every secret ene is eo dissolve.our present dition, is, legislation without law; wisdowithout a plan; a stitution without a na; and, what is strangely astonishing, perfedependaending for dependahe instance is without a pret; the case never existed before; and whotell what y be the event?the property of no n is secure in the present unbraced systeof things.the nd of the ltitude is left at rando and seeing no fixed object before the they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts.nothing is crinal; there is no such thing as treason; wherefore, every ohinks hielf at liberty to act as he pleases.the tories dared not have asseled offensively, had they known that their lives, by that act, were forfeited to the laws of the state.a line of distin should be drawween, english soldiers taken in battle, and inhabitants of arica taken in ar.
the first are prisoners, but the latter traitors.
the one forfeits his liberty, the other his head.
notwithstanding our wisdo there is a visible feebleness in so of our proceedings which gives eo dissensions.
the tial belt is too loosely buckled.and if sothing is not done in ti, it will be too late to do any thing, and we shall fall into a state, in whieither reciliation nor independance will be practicable.the king and his worthless adherents are got at their old ga of dividing the ti, and there are not wanting ang us, printers, who will be busy in spreading specious falsehoods.the artful and hypocritical letter which appeared a few nths ago in two of the new york papers, and likewise in two others, is an evidehat there are n who waher judgnt or hoy.
it is easy getting into holes and ers and talking of reciliation: but do such n seriously sider, how difficult the task is, and how dangerous it y prove, should the ti divide thereon.do they take within their view, all the various orders of n whose situation and circutances, as .well as their own, are to be sidered therein.
do they put theelves in the place of the sufferer whose all is already gone, and of the soldier, who hath quitted all for the defence of his try.if their ill judged deration be suited to their own private situations only, regardless of others, the event will vihe that &a;a;a;quot;they are reing without their host.&a;a;a;quot;put us, says so, on the footing we were on in sixty-three: to which i ahe request is not now in the power of britain to ply with, her will she propose it; but if it were, and even should be granted, i ask, as a reasonable question, by what ans is such rrupt and faithlesurt to be kept to its es?another parliant, nay, even the present, y hereafter repeal the obligation, on the pretense, of its being violently obtained, or unwisely granted; and in that case, where is our redress?--no going to law with nations; ohe barristers of s; and the sword, not of justice, but of war, decides the suit.
to be on the footing of sixty-three, it is not suffit, that the laws only be put on the sa state, but, that our circutances, likewise, be put on the sa state; our burnt aroyed towns repaired or built up, our private losses de good, our public debts (tracted for defence) discharged; otherwise, we shall be llions worse than we were at that enviable period.such a request, had it been plied with a year ago, would have won the heart and soul of the ti - but now it is too late, &a;a;a;quot;the rubi is passed.&a;a;a;quot;besides, the taking up ar, rely to enforce the repeal of a peiary law, see as unwarrantable by the divine law, and as repugnant to hun feelings, as the taking up ar to enforce obediehereto.the object, oher side, doth not justify the ans; for the lives of oo valuable to be cast away on such trifles.it is the violence which is done and threateo our persons; the destru of our property by an ard force; the invasion of our try by fire and sword, which stiously qualifies the use of ar: and the instant, in which such a de of defence beca necessary, all subje to britain ought to have ceased; and the independanerica, should have been sidered, as dating its aera fro and published by, the first musket that was fired against her.this line is a line of sisteher drawn by caprior extended by aition; but produced by aof events, of which the ies were not the authors.
i shall clude these rerks with the following tily and well intended hints.we ought to reflect, that there are three different ways by whi independancy y hereafter be effected; and that one of those three, will one day or other, be the fate of arica, viz.by the legal voice of the people in gress; by a litary power; or by a b--it y not always happen that our soldiers are citizens, and the ltitude a body of reasonable n; virtue, as i have already rerked, is not hereditary, her is it perpetual.should an independancy be brought about by the first of those ans, we have every opportunity and every e before us, to forthepurest stitution on the face of the earth.we have it in our power to begin the world ain.a situation, silar to the present, hath not happened sihe days of noah until now.the birthday of a new world is at hand, and a raen, perhaps as nurous as all europe tains, are to receive their portion of freedofrothe event of a few nths.
the reflexion is awful--and in this point of view, how trifling, how ridiculous, do the little, paltry cavillings, of a few weak or ied n appear, when weighed against the business of a world.
should we he present favourable and inviting period, and an independance be hereafter effected by any other ans, we st charge the sequeo ourselves, or to those rather, whose narrorejudiced souls, are habitually opposing the asure, without either inquiring or refleg.there are reasons to be given in support of independance, which n should rather privately think of, than be publicly told of.we ought not now to be debating whether we shall be independant or not, but, anxious to aplish it on a fir secure, and honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it is not yet began upon.
every day vinces us of its y.eveories (if such beings yet rein ang us) should, of all he st solicitous to prote it; for, as the appoi of ittees at first, protected thefropopular rage, so, a wise and well established forof gover, will be the only certain ans of tinuing it securely to the
wherefore, if they have not virtue enough to be whigs, they ought to have prudenough to wish for independance.
in short, independance is the only bond thattye and keep us together.we shall then see our object, and our ears will be legally shut against the sches of an intriguing, as well, as a cruel ene.we shall then too, be on a proper footing, to treat with britain; for there is reason to clude, that the pride of thaurt, will be less hurt by treating with the ari states for ter of peace, than with those, whoshe denonates, &a;a;a;quot;rebellious subjects,&a;a;a;quot; for ter of aodation.
it is our delaying it that ences her to hope for quest, and our backwardends only to prolong the war.as we have, without any good effect therefro withheld our trade to obtain a redress of rievances, let us now try the alternative, by independantly redressing theourselves, and thento operade.the rtile and reasonable part in england, will be still with us; because, peace with trade, is preferable to war without it.and if this offer be not aepted, otheurts y be applied to.
on these grounds i rest the tter.and as no offer hath yet been de to refute the doe tained in the forr editions of this pahlet, it is a ive proof, that either the doe ot be refuted, or, that the party in favour of it are too nurous to be opposed.wherefore, instead of gazing at each other with suspicious or doubtful curiosity; let each of us, hold out to his neighbour the hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line, which, like an act of oblivion shall bury ifulness every forr dissension.
let the nas of whig and tory be extinct; a her be heard ang us, than those of a good citizen, an open and resolute friend, and a virtuous supporter of the rights of mankind and of the _free and independant states of america_.
to the representatives of the religious society of the people called quakers, or to so ny of theas were ed in publishing the late piece, entitled &a;a;a;quot;the aestimony and prlnciples of the people called quakers renewed, with respect to the king and gover, and toug the otions now prevailing in these and other parts of america addressed to the people in general.&a;a;a;quot;the writer of this, is one of those few, who never dishonours religioher by ridig, or cavilling at any denonation whatsoever.
to god, and not to n, are all n atable on there ion.
wherefore, this epistle is not so properly addressed to you as a religious, but as a political body, dabbling in tters, which the professed quietude of your principles instruct you not to ddle with.as you have, without a proper authority for so doing, put yourselves in the place of the whole body of the quakers, so, the writer of this, in order to be on an equal rank with yourselves, is uhe y, of putting hielf in the place of all those, who, approve the very writings and principles, against which, your testiny is directed:ah chosen this singular situation, in order, that you ght dver in hithat presution of character which you ot see in yourselves.for her he nor youhave any claior title to political representation.
when n have departed frothe right way, it is no wohat they stule and fall.and it is evident frothe nner in which ye have naged your testiny, that politics, (as a religious body of n) is not your proper walk; for however well adapted it ght appear to you, it is, heless, a jule of good and bad put uogether, and the clusion drawn therefro both unnatural and unjust.
the two first pages, (and the whole doth not ke four) we give you credit for, and expect the sa civility froyou, because the love and desire of peace is not fio quakeris it is the natural, as well the religious wish of all denonations of n.and on this ground, as n lab to establish an independant stitution of our own, do we exceed all others in our hope, end, and aiour plan is peace for ever.
we are tired of tention with britain, andsee no real end to it but in a final separation.we act sistently, because for the sake of introdug an endless and uninterrupted peace, do we bear the evils and burthens of the present day.we are endeav, and will steadily tio endeavour, to separate and dissolve a exion which hath already filled our land with blood; and which, while the na of it reins, will he the fatal cause of future schiefs to both tries.
we fight her for revenge nor quest; her fropride nor passion; we are not insulting the world with our fleets and ares, ning the globe for plunder.beh the shade of our own vines are we attacked; in our own houses, and on our own lands, is the violenitted against us.we view our enees in the character of highwayn and housebreakers, and having no defence for ourselves in the civil law, are obliged to punish theby the litary one, and apply the sword, in the very case, where you have before he halter-- perhaps we feel for the ruined and insulted sufferers in all and every part of the ti, with a degree of tenderness which hath not yet de its way into so of your boso.but be ye sure that ye stake not the cause and ground of your testiny.call not ess of soul, religion; nor put the bigot in the place of the christian.
o ye partial nisters of your own aowledged principles.if the bearing ar be sinful, the first going to war st be re so, by all the differeween wilful attack, and unavoidable defence.
wherefore, if ye really preach frosce, and an not to ke a political hobbyhorse of yourreligion vihe world thereof, by proclaing your doe to our enees, for they likewise bear _arms_.
give us proof of your siy by publishing it at st. jass, to the anders in chief at boston, to the adrals and captains iratically ravaging ouasts, and to all the rdering sts wh in authority under him whoye profess to serve.
had ye the ho soul of barclay ye would preach repentao your king; ye would tell the royal wretch his sins, and warn hiof eternal ruin.
[&a;a;a;quot;thou hast tasted of prosperity and adversity; thou k what it is to be bahy native try, to be over-ruled as well as to rule, a upohrone; and being oppressed thou hast reason to know how hateful the oppressor is both to god and n:if after all these warnings and advertisents, thou dost not turn unto the lord with all thy heart, but fet hiwho reered thee in thy distress, and give up thyself to fallow lust and vanity, surely great will be thy nation.-- against whiare, as well as the tetation of those who y or do feed thee, and prot thee to evil, the st excellent and prevalent redy will be, to apply thyself to that light of christ which shih in thy sce, and whieither , nor will flatter thee, nor suffer thee to be at ease in thy sins.&a;a;a;quot;--barclays address to charles ii.] ye would not spend your partial iives against the injured and the insulted only, but, like faithful nisters, would cry aloud and spare none.say not that ye are persecuted, her endeavour to ke us the authors of that reproach, which, ye are bringing upon yourselves; for we testify unto all n, that we do not plain against you because ye are quakers, but because ye pretend to be and are not quakers.
alas! it see by the particular tendency of so part of your testiny, and other parts of your duct, as if, all sin was reduced to, and prehended in, the act of bearing arms, and that by the people only.
ye appear to us, to have staken party for sce; because, the general tenor of your as wants uniforty--and it is exceedingly difficult to us to give credit to ny of your pretended scruples; because, we see thede by the sa n, who, in the very instant that they are exclaing against the on of this world, are heless, hunting after it with a step as steady as ti, and an appetite as keen as death.
the quotation which ye have de froproverbs, ihird page of your testiny, that, &a;a;a;quot;when a ns lease the lord, he keth even his eo be at peace with hia;a;quot;; is very unwisely chosen on your part; because, it aunts to a proof, that the kings ways (whoye are desirous of supp) do not please the lord, otherwise, his reign would be in peace.
i now proceed to the latter part of your testiny, and that, for which all the foing see only an introdu viz.
&a;a;a;quot;it hath ever been our judgnt and principle, since we were called to profess the light of christ jesus, ed in our sces unto this day, that the setting up and putting down kings and govers, is gods peculiar prerogative; for causes best known to hielf: and that it is not our busio have any hand or trivaherein; nor to be busy bodies above our station, ch less to plot and trive the ruin, or overturn of any of the but to pray for the king, and safety of our nation.and good of all n - that we y live a peaceable and quiet life, in all godliness and hoy; uhe gover which god is pleased to set over us&a;a;a;quot; - if these are really your principles why do ye not abide by thewhy do ye not leave that, which ye call gods work, to be naged by hielf?these very principles instruct you to wait with patiend hulity, for the event of all public asures, and to receive that event as the divine will towards you.wherefore, what oasion is there for your political testimony if you fully believe what it tains?and the very publishing it proves, that either, ye do not believe what ye profess, or have not virtue enough to practise what ye believe.
the principles of quakerishave a direct tendenake a n the quiet and inoffensive subject of any, and every gover which is set over him.and if the setting up and putting down of kings and govers is gods peculiar prerogative, he st certainly will not be robbed thereof by us: wherefore, the principle itself leads you to approve of every thing, which ever happened, or y happen to kings as being his work.oliver well thanks you.charles, then, died not by the hands of n; and should the present proud itator of hi e to the sa untily end, the writers and publishers of the testiny, are bound, by the doe it tains, to applaud the fabsp; kings are not taken away by racles, her are ges in govers brought about by any other ans than such as are on and hun; and such as we are now using.even the dispersion of the jews, though foretold by our saviour, was effected by ar.wherefore, as ye refuse to be the ans on one side, ye ought not to be ddlers oher; but to wait the issue in silence; and unless yeproduce divihority, to prove, that the alghty who hath created and placed this new world, at the greatest distuld possibly sta a, froevery part of the old, doth, heless, disapprove of its being indepe of thrrupt and abandoneurt of britain, unless i say, yeshew this, howye on the ground of your principles, justify the exg and stirring up the people &a;a;a;quot;firy to unite in the abhorrence of all such writings, and asures, as evidence a desire and design to break off the happy exion we have hitherto enjoyed, with the kingdoof great-britain, and our just and necessary subordination to the king, and those who are lawfully placed in authority under hi&a;a;a;quot; .９9lib? a slap of the face is here! the n, who in the very paragraph before, have quietly and passively resigned up the , altering, and disposal of kings and govers, into the hands of god, are now, recalling their principles, and putting in for a share of the business.
is it possible, that the clusion, which is here justly quoted,any ways follow frothe doe laid down?the insistency is too glaring not to be seen; the absurdity too great not to be laughed at; and such auld only have been de by those, whose uandings were darkened by the narrow and crabby spirit of a despairing political party; for ye are not to be sidered as the whole body of the quakers but only as a faal and fraal part thereof.
here ends the exanation of your testiny; (which i call upon no n to abhor, as ye have done, but only to read and judge of fairly;) to which i subjoin the following rerk; &a;a;a;quot;that the setting up and putting down of kings,&a;a;a;quot; st certainly an, the king hia king, who is yet not so, and the king hino king who is already one.and pray what hath this to do in the present case?we her an to set up nor to pull dowher to ke nor to unke, but to have nothing to do with the
wherefore, your testiny in whatever light it is viewed serves only to dishonor your judgent, and for ny other reasons had better have bee alohan published.
first, because it tends to the decrease and reproach of all religion whatever, and is of the utst dao society to ke it a party in political disputes.
sedly, because it exhibits a body of n, nuers of whodisavow the publishing political testinies, as beiherein and approvers thereof.
thirdly, because it hath a tendency to undo that tial harny and friendship which yourselves by your late liberal and charitable donations hath lent a hand to establish; and the preservation of which, is of the utst sequeo us all.
and here without anger or rese i bid you farewell.
sincerely wishing, that as n and christians, ye y always fully and uninterruptedly enjoy every civil and religiht; and be, in your turn, the ans of seg it to others; but that the exale which ye have unwisely set, of ngling religion with politics, may be disavowed and reprobated by every inhabitant of _america._f i n i s..
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