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&a;a;lt;strong&a;a;gt;2.4 of the present ability of america, with some miscellaneous refles&a;a;lt;/strong&a;a;gt;
i have never t with a her in england or arica, who hath not fessed his opinion that a separatioweeries, would take plae ti or other:and there is no instance, in which we have shewn less judgent, than in eo describe, what we call the ripeness or fitness of the ti for independence.
as all n allow the asure, and vary only in their opinion of the ti, let us, in order to reve stakes, take a general survey of things, and endeavour, if possible, to find out the very ti.but we need not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the time hath found us.
the general currehe glorious union of all things prove the fact.
it is not in nuers, but in unity, that reat strength lies; yet our present nuers are suffit to repel the force of all the world.
the ti hath, at this ti, the largest body of ard and disciplined n of any power under heaven; and is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in whio single y is able to support itself, and the whole, when united,aplish the tter, aher re, or, less than this, ght be fatal in its effects.our land force is already suffit, and as to naval affairs, we ot be insensible, that britain would never suffer an ari n of war to be built, while the ti reined in her hands.wherefore, we should be no forwarder an hundred years hen that branch, than we are now; but the truth is, we should be less so, because the tier of the try is every day dinishing, and that, which will rein at last, will be far off and difficult to procure.
were the ti crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings uhe present circutances would be intolerable.the re seaport towns we had, the re should we have both to defend and to lose.our present nuers are so happily proportioo our wants, that no n need be idle.
the dinution of trade affords an ar, and the ies of an ar creat&a;a;lt;rk&a;a;gt;藏书网&a;a;lt;/rk&a;a;gt;e a rade.
debts we have none; and whatever we y tra this at will serve as a glorious nto of our virtue. we but leave posterity with a settled forof gover, an iitution of its own, the purchase.. any price will be cheap.but to expend llions for the sake of getting a few vile acts repealed, and routing the present nistry only, is unworthy the charge, and is using posterity with the utst cruelty; because it is leaving thethe great work to do, and a debt upon their backs, frowhich they derive no advantage.such a thought is unworthy of a n of honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a peddling politi.
the debt we y tract doth not deserve ard, if the work be but aplished.no nation ought to be without a debt.
a national debt is a national bond; and when it bears no i, is in no case a grievanbsp; britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one hundred and forty llions sterling, for which she pays upwards of four llions i.and as a pensation for her debt, she has a large navy; arica is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for the tweh part of the english national debtuld have a navy as large again.the navy of england is not worth, at this ti, re than three llions and an half sterling.
the first and sed editions of this pahlet were published without the following calculations, which are now given as a proof that the above estition of the navy is just.
[see entiaval history, intro.page 56.]the charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with sts, yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight nths boatswains and carpenters seastores, as calculated by mr. burchett, secretary to the navy.
[pounds sterling] for a ship of a 100 guns- 35,553 90 -- 29,886 80 -- 23,638 70 -- 17,795 60 -- 14,197 50 -- 10,606 40 --7,558 30 --5,846 20 --3,710 and frohe is easy to suup the value, ost rather, of the whole british navy, whi the year 1757, when it was at its greatest glory sisted of the following ships and guns:ships.guns. cost of one.cost of all 6 - 100 -35,553- 213,31812 -90 -29,886- 358,63212 -80 -23,638- 283,65643 -70 -17,785- 764,75535 -60 -14,197- 496,89540 -50 -10,606- 424,24045 -40 - 7,558- 340,11058 -20 - 3,710- 215,180 85 sloops, bos,and fireships, one 2,000170,000with another, _________cost3,266,786reins funs,_________233,214_________3,500,000 no try on the globe is so happily situated, or so internally capable of raising a fleet as aribsp; tar, tia;lt;dfn&a;a;gt;&a;a;lt;/dfn&a;a;gt;ber, iron, and ce are her natural produbsp; we need go abroad for nothing.whereas the dutch, who ke large profits by hiring out their ships of war to the spaniards and puese, are obliged to iort st of their terials they use.
we ought to view the building a fleet as an article of erce, it being the natural nufactory of this try.it is the best ney welay out.
a navy when finished is worth re than ist.and is that nice point in national policy, in whierd prote are united.let us build; if we want thenot, wesell; and by that ans replace our paper currency with ready gold and silver. in point of nning a fleet, people in general run into great errors; it is not necessary that one fourth part should he sailors.
the terrible privateer, captaih, stood the hottest e of any ship last war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though her plent of n wards of two hundred.
a few able and social sailors will soon instruct a suffit nuer of active landn in the on work of a ship.wherefore, we neverbe re capable to begin on riti tters than now, while our tier is standing, our fisheries blocked up, and our sailors and shipwrights out of eloy.men of war of seventy ay guns were built forty years ago in new-england, and why not the sa now?ship-building is aricas greatest pride, and in which she will in ti excel the whole world.
the great eires of the east are stly inland, and sequently excluded frothe possibility of rivalling her.
africa is in a state of barbaris and no power in europe hath either su extent oast, or su internal supply of terials.
where nature hath given the one, she has withheld the other; to arily hath she been liberal of both.the vast eire of russia is alst shut out frothe sea: wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar, iron, and ce are only articles of erce.
in point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet?we are not the little people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that ti we ght have trusted our property ireets, or fields rather; and slept securely without locks or bolts to our doors or windows.the case now is altered, and our thods of defense ought to irove with our increase of property.a on pirate, twelve nths ago, ght have e up the delaware, and laid the city of philadelphia under instant tribution, for what suhe pleased; and the sa ght have happeo other places.
nay, any daring fellow, in a brig of fourteen or sixteen guns ght have robbed the whole ti, and carried off half a llion of ney.
these are circutances which dend our attention, and point out the y of naval prote.
so, perhaps, will say, that after we have de it up britain, she will protect us. we be so unwise as to an, that she shall keep a navy in our harbours for that purpose? on sense will tell us, that the power which hath endeavoured to subdue us, is of all others the st iroper to defend us.
quest y be effected uhe pretence of friendship; and ourselves after a long and brave resistance, be at last cheated into slavery.and if her ships are not to be adtted into our harbours, i would ask, how is she to protect us?a navy three or four thousand les offbe of little use, and on sudden ergencies,all.
wherefore, if we st hereafter protect ourselves, why not do it for ourselves?the english list of ships of war, is long and fordable, but not a tenth part of theare at any oi fit for serviuers of thenot in being; yet their nas are poously tinued in the list,f only a plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part of such as are fit for servibsp; be spared on any oation at oi.
the east a indies, mediterranean, africa, and other parts over which britaiends her clai ke large dends upon her navy.
froa xture of prejudid iion, we have tracted a false notion respeg the navy of england, and have talked as if we should have the whole of it to e once, and for that reason, supposed, that we st have one as large; whiot being instantly practicable, have been de use of by a set of disguised tories to disning thereon.nothingbe farther frotruth than this; for if arica had only a tweh part of the naval force of britain, she would be by far ach for her; because, as we her have, nor claiany fn donion, our whole force would be eloyed on our owast, where we should, in the long run, have two to ohe advantage of those who had three or four thousand les to sail over, before theuld attack us, and the sa distao return in order to refit and recruit.and although britain, by her fleet, hath a check over our trade to europe, we have as large a one over her trade to the west indies, which, by laying in the neighbourhood of the ti, is entirely at its rcy.
so thod ght be fallen on to keep up a naval for ti of peace, if we should not judge it necessary to support a stant navy.
if preu were to be given to rts, to build and eloy in their service ships unted with twenty, thirty, forty or fifty guns, (the preu to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the rts) fifty or sixty of those ships, with a few guardships on stant duty, would keep up a suffit navy, and that without burdening ourselves with the evil so loudly plained of in england, of suffering their fleet, in ti of peace to lie rotting in the docks.to uhe sinews of erd defense is sound policy; for when our strength and our riches play into each others hand, we need fear ernal ene.
in alst every article of defense we abound.he flourishes even to rankness, so that we need not want bsp; our iron is superior to that of other tries.our sll ar equal to any in the world.
on wecast at pleasure.saltpetre and gunpowder we are every day produg.our knowledge is hourly iroving.resolution is our i character, ah never yet forsaken us.wherefore, what is it that we want?why is it that we hesitate?frobritain weexpeothing but ruin.if she is once adtted to the gover of arica again, this ti will not be worth living in.
jealousies will be always arising; insurres will be stantly happening; and who will go forth to quell thewho will venture his life to reduce his own tryn to a fn obediehe differeween pennsylvania aicut, respeg so unlocated lands, shews the insignifice of a british gover, and fully proves, that nothing but tial authorityregulate tial tters.
another reason why the present ti is preferable to all others, is, that the fewer our nuers are, the re land there is yet unoupied, whistead of being lavished by the king on his worthless dependants, y be hereafter applied, not only to the discharge of the prese, but to the stant support of gover.no nation under heaven hath su adva this.
the infant state of the ies, as it is called, so far frobeing against, is an argunt in favour of independance.
we are suffitly nurous, and were we re so, we ght be less united.
it is a tter worthy of observation, that the re a try is peopled, the sller their ares are.in litary nuers, the as far exceeded the de: and the reason is evident.for trade being the sequence of population, oo ch absorbed thereby to attend to anything else.erce dihe spirit, both of patriotisand litary defenbsp; and history suffitly infor us, that the bravest achievents were always aplished in the non-age of a nation.
with the increase of erce, england hath lost its spirit.the city of london, notwithstanding its nuers, subts to tinued insults with the patience of ward.the re n have to lose, the less willing are they to vehe rich are in general slaves to fear, and subt turtly power with the treling duplicity of a spaniel.
youth is the seed ti of good habits, as well in nations as in individuals.
it ght be difficult, if not iossible, to forthe ti into one gover half a tury hehe vast variety of is, oasioned by an increase of trade and population, would create fusion.
y would be against y.each being able ght s each others assistance: and while the proud and foolish gloried in their little distins, the wise would lant, that the union had not been ford before.
wherefore, the present time is the true time for establishing it.
the inticy which is tracted in infancy, and the friendship which is ford in sfortune, are, of all others, the st lasting and unalterable.
our present union is rked with both these characters: we are young and we have been distressed; but ourd hath withstood our troubles, and fixes a rable are for posterity to glory in.
the present ti, likewise, is that peculiar ti, whiever happens to a nation but once, viz. the ti of f itself into a gover.
most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that ans have been pelled to receive laws frotheir querors, instead of king laws for theelves.first, they had a king, and then a forof gover; whereas, the articles or charter of gover, should be ford first, and n delegated to execute theafterward but frothe errors of other nations, let us learn wisdo and lay hold of the present opportunity --to begin gover at the right end.
when williathe queror subdued england, he gave thelaw at the point of the sword; and until we sent, that the seat of gover, in arica, be legally and authoritatively oupied, we shall be in danger of having it filled by so fortunate ruffian, who y treat us in the sa nner, and then, where will be our freedo where our property? as tion, i hold it to be the indispensable duty of all gover, to protect all stious professors thereof, and i know of no other business which gover hath to do therewith, let a n throw aside that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of principle, which the niggards of all professions are willing to part with, and he will be at delivered of his fears on that head.suspi is the panion of an souls, and the bane of all good society.for self, i fully and stiously believe, that it is the will of the alghty, that there should be diversity ious opinions ang us: it affords a larger field for our christian kindness.were we all of one way of thinking, ious dispositions would want tter for probation; and on this liberal principle, i look on the various denonations ang us, to be like children of the saa;lt;dfn&a;a;gt;..&a;a;lt;/dfn&a;a;gt;e faly, differing only, in what is called, their christian nas.
in page forty, i threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of a tial charter, (for i only presu to offer hints, not plans) and in this place, i take the liberty of rentioning the subject, by , that a charter is to be uood as a bond of sole obligation, which the whole enters into, to support the right of every separate part, whether ion, personal freedo or property.
a firbargain and a right reing ke long friends.
in a fe i likewise ntiohe y of a large and equal representation; and there is no political tter which re deserves our attention.a sll nuer of electors, or a sll nuer of representatives, are equally dangerous.
but if the nuer of the representatives be not only sll, but unequal, the danger is increased.as an instance of this, i ntion the following; when the associators petition was before the house of assely of pennsylvania; twe ers only were present, all the bucks ty ers, bei, voted against it, and had seven of the chester ers dohe sa, this whole province had been governed by two ties only, and this da is always exposed to.
the unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that house de in their last sitting, to gain an uhority over the delegates of that province, ought to warn the people at large, how they trust power out of their own hands.a set of instrus for the delegates were put together, whi point of sense and business would have dishonoured a schoolboy, and after being approved by a few, a very few without doors, were carried into the house, and there passed in behalf of the whole y; whereas, did the whole y know, with what ill-will that house hath entered on so necessary public asures, they would not hesitate a nt to think theunworthy of such a trust.
iediate y kes ny things ve, which if tinued would grow into oppressions.expediend right are different things.
when the calaties of arica required a sultation, there was hod so ready, or at that ti so proper, as to appoint persons frothe several houses of assely for that purpose; and the wisdowith which they have proceeded hath preserved this ti froruin.
but as it is re than probable that we shall never be without a gress, every well wisher to good order, st own, that the de for choosing ers of that body, deserves sideration.and i put it as a question to those, who ke a study of nkind, whether representation aion is not too great a power for one and the sa body of n to possess?when lanning for posterity, we ought to reer, that virtue is not hereditary.
it is froour ehat we often gain excellent xi, and are frequently surprised into reason by their stakes, mr. wall (one of the lords of the treasury) treated the petition of the new-york assely with pt, because that house, he said, sisted but of twenty-six ers, which trifling nuer, he argueduld not with decy be put for the whole.we thank hifor his involuntary hoy.
[those who would fully uand of what great sequence a large and equal representation is to a state, should read burghs political disquisitions.] to clude, however stra y appear to so, or however unwilling they y be to think so, tters not, but ny strong and striking reasons y be given, to shew, that nothingsettle our affairs so expeditiously as an open aerned declaration for independance. so of which are,first. -- it is theof nations, when any two are at war, for so other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as diators, and bring about the prelinaries of a peace: hut while arica calls herself the subject of great britain, no power, however well disposed she y be,offer her diation.wherefore, in our present state we y quarrel on for ever.
sedly. -- it is unreasoo suppose, that france or spain will give us any kind of assistance, if we an only, to ke use of that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and strengthening the e between britain and arica; because, those powers would be sufferers by the sequences.
thirdly. -- while we profess ourselves the subjects of britain, we st, in the eye of fn nations.be sidered as rebels.the pret is sowhat dangerous to their peace, for n to be in ar uhe na of subjects; we, on the spot,solve the paradox: but to unite resistand subje, requires an idea ch too refined for on uanding.
fourthly. -- were a o to be published, ached turts, setting forth the series we have endured, and the peaceable thods we have iually used for redress; declaring, at the sa ti, that not being able, any loo live happily or safely uhe cruel disposition of the britisurt, we had been driven to the y of breaking off all es with her; at the sa ti, assuring all sucurts of our peaceable disposition towards the and of our desire of entering into trade with the such a rial would produce od effects to this ti, than if a ship were freighted with petitions to britain.
under our present denonation of british subjects, we either be received nor heard abroad: theof alurts is against us, and will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other nations.
these proceedings y at first appear strange and difficult; but, like all other steps which we have already passed over, will in a little ti bee faliar and agreeable; and, until an independance is declared, the ti will feel itself like a n who tinues putting off so unpleasant business froday to day, yet knows it st be done, hates to set about it, wishes it over, and is tinually haunted with the thoughts of its y.
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