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&a;a;lt;strong&a;a;gt;2.3thoughts on the present state of ameri affairs&a;a;lt;/strong&a;a;gt;
in the following pages i offer nothing re than sile facts, plain argunts, and on sense; and have no other prelio settle with the reader, than that he will divest hielf of prejudid prepossession, and suffer his reason and his feelings to deterne for theelves; that he will put on, or rather that he will not put off the true character of a n, and generously enlarge his views beyond the present day.
volus have been written on the subject of the struggle between england and aribsp; men of all ranks have earked iroversy, frodifferent tives, and with various designs; but all have been iual, and the period of debate is closed.ar, as the last resource, decide this test; the appeal was the choice of the king, and the ti hath aepted the challenge.
it hath beeed of the late mr. pelha(who tho an able nister was not without his faults) that on his being attacked in the house of ons, on there, that his asures were only of a teorary kind, replied &a;a;a;quot;they will last my time.&a;a;a;quot; should a thought so fatal and unnly possess the ies in the prese, the na of aors will be reered by future geions with detestation.
the sun never shined on a cause of greater worth.tis not the affair of a city, a ty, a province, or a kingdo but of a ti - of at least oh part of the habitable globe.
tis not theof a day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually involved iest, and will be re or less affected, even to the end of ti, by the proceedings now.
now is the seed-ti of tial union, faith and honour.
the least fracture now will be like a na engraved with the point of a pin oender rind of a young oak; the wound will enlarge with the tree, and posterity read it in full grown characters.
by referring the tter frunt to ar, a new aera for politics is struck; a new thod of thinking hath arisen.
all plans, proposals, &a;a;a;a;bsp; prior to the eenth of april, i.e.to the e of hostilities, are like the alnacs of the last year; which, though proper then are superseded and useless now.whatever was advanced by the advocates oher side of the questioernated in one and the sa point.viz.a union with great-britain: the only differeween the parties was the thod of effeg it; the one proposing force, the other friendship; but it hath so far happehat the first hath failed, and the sed hath withdrawn her influence.
as ch hath been said of the advantages of reciliation which, like an agreeable drea hath passed away a us as we were, it is but right, that we should exahe trary side of the argunt, and inquire into so of the ny terial injuries which these ies sustain, and always will sustain, by beied with, and depe o britain: to exahat e and dependence, on the principles of nature and on seo see what we have to trust to, if separated, and what we are to expect, if dependant.
i have heard it asserted by so, that as arica hath flourished under her forr e with great britain that the sa e is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the sa effect.
nothingbe re fallacious than this kind unt.
we y as well assert that because a child has thrived upon lk that it is o have at, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to bee a pret for the wenty.
but even this is adtting re than is true, for i answer roundly, that arica would have flourished as ch, and probably ch re, had no european power had any thing to do with her.the erce, by which she hath enriched herself, are the necessaries of life, and will always have a rket while eating is theof europe.
but she has protected us, say so.that she has engrossed us is true, and defehe ti at our expense as well as her own is adtted, and she would have defeurkey frothe sa tive, viz.the sake of trade and donion.
alas, we have been long led away by a prejudices, and de large sacrifices to superstition.we have boasted the prote of great britain, without sidering, that her tive was i not attat; that she did not protect us froour enemies on our at, but froher enemies on her own at, frothose who had no quarrel with us on any other at, and who will always be our enees on the same at.
let britain wave her pretensions to the ti, or the tihrow off the dependence, and we should be at peace with frand spaihey at war with britain.
the series of hanover last war ought to warn us against es.
it has lately been asserted in parliant, that the ies have ion to each other but through the parent try, i.e.that pennsylvania and the jerseys, and so on for the rest, are sister ies by the way of england; this is certainly a very round-about way of proviionship, but it is theand only true way of proving eneship, if i y so call it.
frand spain never were.nor perhaps ever will be our enees as ameris, but as our being the subjects of great britain.
but britain is the parent try, say so.then the re sha upon her dubsp; even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages ke on their falies; wherefore the assertion, if true, turns to her reproach; but it happens not to be true, or only partly so and the phrase parent or mother try hath beeically adopted by the king and his parasites, with a loistical design of gaining an unfair bias on the credulous weakness of our nds.europe, and not england, is the parent try of aribsp; this new world hath been the asylufor the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty froevery part of europe.hither have they fled, not frothe tender eraces of the ther, but frothe cruelty of the nster; and it is so far true of england, that the sa tyranny which drove the first egrants froho, pursues their desdants still.
in this extensive quarter of the globe, we fet the narrow lits of three hundred and sixty les (the extent of england) and carry our friendship on a larger scale; we claibrotherhood with every european christian, and triuh in the generosity of the se.
it is pleasant to observe by what regular gradations we surunt the force of local prejudice, as we enlarge our acquaintah the world.a n born in any town in england divided into parishes, will naturally associate st with his fellow-parishioners (because their is in ny cases will be on) and distinguish hiby the na of neighbour; if he et hibut a few les froho, he drops the narrow idea of a street, and salutes hiby the na of townsman; if he travel out of the ty, a hiin any other, he fets the nor divisions of street and town, and calls hitryman, i.e.tryman; but if in their fn excursions they should associate in france or any other part of europe, their local rerance would be enlarged into that of englishmen.and by a just parity of reasoning, all europeaing in arica, or any other quarter of the globe, are trymen; fland, holland, gerny, or sweden, when pared with the whole, stand in the sa places on the larger scale, which the divisions of street, town, and ty do on the sller ones; distins too lited for tial nds.not ohird of the inhabitants, even of this province, are of english dest.
wherefore i reprobate the phrase of parent or ther try applied to england only, as being false, selfish, narrow and ungenerous.
but adtting, that we were all of english dest, what does it aunt to?nothing.britain, being noen ene, extinguishes every other na and title:and to say that reciliation is our duty, is truly farcical.the first king of england, of the present line (williathe queror) was a fren, and half the peers of england are desdants frothe sa try; therefore, by the sa thod of reasoning, england ought to be governed by france.
much hath been said of the urength of britain and the ies, that in jun they ght bid defiao the world.but this is re presution; the fate of war is uaiher do the expressions an any thing; for this ti would never suffer itself to be drained of inhabitants, to support the british ar iher asia, africa, or europe.
besides what have we to do with setting the world at defiance? our plan is erce, and that, well atteo, will secure us the pead friendship of all europe; because, it is the i of all europe to have arica a free port.her trade will always be a prote, and her barrenness of gold and silver secure her froinvaders.
i challehe warst advocate for reciliation, to shew, a single advahat this tireap, by beied with great britain.i repeat the challenge, not a single advantage is derived.ourwill fetch its pri any rket in europe, and our iorted goods st be paid for, buy thewhere we will.
but the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that e, are without nuer; and our duty to nkind at large, as well as to ourselves, instruct us to renouhe alliance: because, any subssion to, or depende britain, tends directly to involve this ti in european wars and quarrels; as us at variah nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against who we have her anger nor plaint.as europe is our rket for trade, we ought to forno partial e with any part of it.
it is the true i of arica to steer clear of europeaions, which she neverdo, while by her dependen britain, she is de the ke-weight in the scale of british politics.
europe is too thickly planted with kingdo to be long at peace, and whenever a war breaks out between england and any fn power, the trade of arica goes to ruin, because of her e with england.
thewar y not turn out like the last, and should it not, the advocates for reciliation now, will be wishing for separation then, because, rality in that case, would be a safer voy than a n of war.
every thing that is right or natural pleads for separation.the blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, tis time to part.
even the dista which the alghty hath placed england and arica, is a strong and natural proof, that the authority of the one, over the other, was he design of heaven.the ti likewise at which the ti was dvered, adds weight to the argunt, and the nner in which it eopled increases the force of it.the refortion receded by the dvery of arica, as if the alghty graciously ant to open a sanctuary to the persecuted in future years, when ho should afford her friendship nor safety.
the authority of great britaihis ti, is a forof gover, which sooner or later st have an end: and a serious nddraw no true pleasure by looking forward uhe painful and positive vi, that what he calls &a;a;a;quot;the present stitution&a;a;a;quot; is rely teorary.as parents, wehave no joy, knowing that this gover is not suffitly lasting to ensure any thing which we y bequeath to posterity: and by a plaihod unt, as we are running thegeion into debt, we ought to do the work of it, otherwise we use theanly and pitifully.in order to dver the line of our duty rightly, we should take our children in our hand, and fix our station a few years farther into life; that enence will present a prospect, which a few present fears and prejudices ceal froht.
though i would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offense, yet i aio believe, that all those who espouse the doe of reciliation, y be included within the following descriptions.
ied n, who are not to be trusted; weak n, who ot see; prejudiced n, who will not see; and a certai of derate n, who thier of the european world than it deserves; and this last class, by an ill-judged deliberation, will be the cause of re calaties to this ti, than all the other three.
it is the good fortune of ny to live distant frothe se of sorrow; the evil is not suffit brought to their doors to ke them feel the precariousness with which all ari property is possessed.
but let our iginations transport us far a few nts to boston, that seat of wretess will teach us wisdo and instruct us for ever to renounce a power in whowehave no trust.
the inhabitants of that unfortuy, who but a few nths ago were in ease and affluence, have now, no other alternative than to stay and starve, or turn and beg.endangered by the fire of their friends if they tihiy, and plundered by the soldiery if they leave it.in their present dition they are prisoners without the hope of redetion, and in a general attack for their relief, they would be exposed to the fury of both ares.
men of passive teers look sowhat lightly over the offenses of britain, and, still hoping for the best, are apt to call out, &a;a;a;quot;e, e, we shall be friends again, for all this.&a;a;a;quot; but exahe passions and feelings of nkind, bring the doe of recilia&a;a;lt;bdo&a;a;gt;&a;a;lt;/bdo&a;a;gt;tion to the touchstone of nature, and then tell , whether youhereafter love, honor, and faithfully serve the power that hath carried fire and sword into your land?if yon ot do all these, then are you only deceiving yourselves, and by your delay bringing ruin upon posterity.your future e with britain, whoyou either love nor honor will be forced and unnatural, and being ford only on the plan of present venience, will in a little ti fall into a relapse re wretched than the first.
but if you say, youstill pass the violations over, then i ask, hath your house been burnt? hath your property beeroyed before your face! are your wife and childreute of a bed to lie on, or bread to live on? have you lost a parent or a child by their hands, and yourself the ruined and wretched survivor!if you have not, then are you not a judge of those who have.but if you have, and stillshake hands with the rderers, then are you unworthy the na of husband, father, friend, or lover, and whatever y be your rank or title in life, you have the heart of ward, and the spirit of a phant.
this is not inflang or exaggerating tters, but trying theby those feelings and affes whiature justifies, and without which, we should be incapable of discharging the social duties of life, or enjoying the felicities of it.
i an not to exhibit horror for the purpose of provoking revenge, but to awaken us frofatal and unnly sluers, that ursue deternately so fixed objebsp; it is not in the power of britain or of europe to quer arica, if she do not quer herself by delay and timidity.the present winter is worth an age if rightly eloyed, but if lost lected, the whole ti will partake of the sfortune; and there is no punishnt which that n will not deserve, be he who, or what, or where he will, that y be the ans of sacrifig a season so precious and useful.
it is repugnant to reason, to the universal order of things, to all exales frofes, to suppose, that this tilonger rein subject to aernal power.
the st sanguine in britain does not think so.the utst stretch of hun wisdoot, at this ti, pass a plan short of separation, whibsp; prose the ti even a years security.reciliation is now a fallacious drea
nature hath deserted the e, and art ot supply her plabsp; for, as milton wisely expresses, &a;a;a;quot;nevertrue recilent grow, where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep.&a;a;a;quot;every quiet thod for peace hath been iual.our prayers have beeed with disdain; and only teo vince us, that nothing batters vanity, or fir obstina kings re thaed petitioning-and nothing hath tributed re than that very asure to ke the kings of europe absolute: witness denrk and sweden.wherefore, sihing but blows will do, fods sake, let us e to a final separation, and not leave thegeion to be cutting throats, uhe violated unaning nas of parent and child.
to say, they will tet it again is idle and visionary, we thought so at the repeal of the sta-act, yet a year or two undeceived us; as well y we suppose that nations, which have been once defeated, will never rehe quarrel.
as to gover tters, it is not in the power of britain to do this ti justibsp; the business of it will soooo weighty, and intricate, to be naged with any tolerable degree of venience, by a power so distant frous, and snorant of us; for if they ot quer us, they ot govern us.to be always running three or four thousand les with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five nths for an answer, which when obtained requires five or six re to explain it in, will in a few years be looked upon as folly and childishness--there was a ti when it roper, and there is a proper ti for it to cease.
sll islands not capabletheelves, are the proper objects for kingdo to take uheir care; but there is sothing very absurd, in supposing a tio be perpetually governed by an island.in no instah nature de the satellite larger than its priry pla, and as england and arica, with respect to each other, reverses the on order of nature, it is evident they belong to different syste; england to europe, arica to itself.
i anot induced by tives of pride, party, or reseo espouse the doe of separation and independance; i aclearly, positively, and stiously persuaded that it is the true i of this tio be so; that every thing short of that is re patchwork, that itafford no lasting felicity, --that it is leaving the sword to our children, and shrinking back at a ti, when, a little re, a little farther, would have rehis tihe glory of the earth.
as britain hath not ed the least ination towards a prose, we y be assured that no terbe obtained worthy the aeptance of the ti, or any ways equal to the expense of blood and treasure we have been already put to.
the object, tended for, ought always to bear so just proportion to the expehe reval of north, or the whole detestable junto, is a tter unworthy the llions we have expended.a teorary stoppage of trade, was an invenience, which would have suffitly balahe repeal of all the acts plained of, had such repeals been obtained; hut if the whole ti st take up ar, if every n st be a soldier, it is scarcely worth our while to fight against a ptible nistry only.
dearly, dearly, do we pay for the repeal of the acts, if that is all we fight for; for in a just estition, it is as great a folly to pay a bunker-hill price for law, as for land.as i have always sidered the independancy of this ti, as a, which sooner or later st arrive, so frothe late rapid progress of the tio turity, the evenuld not be far off.wherefore, on the breaking out of hostilities, it was not worth while to have disputed a tter, which ti would have finally redressed, unless we ant to be in ear; otherwise, it is like wasting ae on a suit at law, tulate the trespasses of a tenant, whose lease is just expiring.no n was a warr wisher for reciliation than self, before the fatal eenth of april 1775, but the nt the event of that day was de known, i rejected the hardened, sullen teered pharaoh of england for ever; and disdain the wretch, that with the preteitle of father of his peopleunfeelingly hear of their slaughter, and posedly sleep with their blood upon his soul.
but adtting that tters were now de up, what would be the event? i ahe ruin of the ti.and that for several reasons.
first.the powers of g still reining in the hands of the king, he will have a ive over the whole legislation of this ti.and as he hath shewn hielf su ie eo liberty.and dvered such a thirst for arbitrary power; is he, or is he not, a proper n to say to these ies, &a;a;a;quot;you shall make no laws but what i please. and is there any inhabitant in arica so ignorant as not to know, that a to what is called the present stitution, that this tike no laws but what the king gives leave to; and is there any n so unwise, as not to see, that (sidering what has happened) he will suffer no law to be de here, but such as suit his purpose.we y be as effectually enslaved by the want of laws in arica, as by subtting to laws de for us in england.
after tters are de up (as it is called)there be any doubt, but the whole power of thewill be exerted, to keep this ti as low and hule as possible?instead of going forward we shall go backward, or be perpetually quarrelling or ridiculously petitioning.
--we are already greater than the king wishes us to be, and will he not hereafter endeavour to ke us less?t the tter to one point.
is the power who is jealous of our prosperity, a proper power to govern us? whoever says no to this question, is an independant, for independancy ans no re, than, whether we shall ke our own laws, or whether the king, the greatest ehis ti hath, orhave, shall tell us &a;a;a;quot;there shall be no laws but such as i like.&a;a;a;quot;but the king you will say has a ive in england; the people thereke no laws without his sent.in point ht and good order, there is sothing very ridiculous, that a youth of twenty-one (which hath often happened) shall say to several llions of people, older and wiser than hielf, i forbid this or that act of yours to be law.
but in this place i dee this sort of reply, though i will never cease to expose the absurdity of it, and only ahat england being the kings residence, and ariot so, kes quite another case.the kings ive here is ten tis re dangerous and fatal than itbe in england, for there he will scarcely refuse his sent to a bill for putting england into as strong a state of defense as possible, and in arica he would never suffer such a bill to be passed.
arica is only a sedary obje the systeof british politics, england sults the good of this try, no farther than it answers her own purpose.wherefore, her own i leads her to suppress the growth of ours in every case which doth not prote her advantage, or in the least interferes with it.a pretty state we should soon be in under such a sedhand gover, sidering what has happened! men do not ge froeo friends by the alteration of a na: and in order to shew that reciliation now is a dangerous doe, i affir that it would be poli the king at this time, to repeal the acts for the sake of reinstating himself in the gover of the provinces; in order, that he may aplish by craft and subtlety, in the long run, what he ot do by ford violen the short one.
reciliation and ruin are nearly related.
sedly.that as even the best ter, which weexpect to obtain,aunt to no re than a teorary expedient, or a kind of gover by guardianship, whibsp; last no lohan till the ies e of age, so the general fad state of things, ieri will be uled and unprosing.egrants of property will not choose to e to a try whose forof gover hangs but by a thread, and who is every day t on the brink of otion and disturbance; and nuers of the present inhabitants would lay hold of the interval, to dispense of their effects, and quit the ti.
but the st powerful of all argunts, is, that nothing but independence, i.e.a tial forof gover,keep the peace of the ti and preserve it inviolate frocivil wars.i dread the event of a reciliation with britain now, as it is re than probable, that it will be followed by a revolt sowhere or other, the sequences of which y be far re fatal than all the lice of britain.
thousands are already ruined by british barbarity; (thousands re will probably suffer the sa fate) those n have other feelings than us who have nothing suffered.all they now possess is liberty, what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and having nothing re to lose, they disdain subssion.besides, the general teer of the ies, towards a british gover, will be like that o&a;a;lt;cite&a;a;gt;&a;a;lt;/cite&a;a;gt;f a youth, who is nearly out of his ti; they will care very little about her.
and a gover which ot preserve the peace, is no gover at all, and in that case we pay our ney for nothing; and pray what is it that britaindo, whose power will he wholly on paper.should a civil tult break out the very day after reciliation!i have heard so n say, ny of whoi believe spoke without thinking, that they dreaded an independence, fearing that it would produce civil wars.
it is but seldothat our first thoughts are trulrrect, and that is the case here; for there are ten tis re to dread froa patched up e than froindependenbsp; i ke the sufferers caseown, and i protest, that were i driven frohouse and ho,property destroyed, andcircutances ruihat as n, sensible of injuries, uld never relish the doe of reciliation, or sider self bound thereby.
the ies have ed such a spirit of good order and obedieo tial gover, as is suffit to ke every reasonable person easy and happy on that head.no nassign the least pretence for his fears, on any rounds, than such as are truly childish and ridiculous, viz.that one y will be striving for superiority over another.
where there are no distins therebe no superiority, perfect equality affords ation.the republics of europe are all (and we y say always) in peabsp; holland and switzerland are without wars, fn or dostibsp; monarchical govers, it is true, are never long at rest; theitself is a tetation to enterprising ruffians at home; and that degree of pride and insolence ever attendant al authority, swells into a rupture with fn powers, in instances, where a republi gover, by being ford on re natural principles, would iate the stake.
if there is any true cause of fear respeg independe is because no plan is yet laid down.men do not see their way out-- wherefore, as an opening into that business, i offer the following hints; at the sa ti destly affirng, that i have no other opinion of theself, than that they y be the ans of giving rise to sothier.could the straggling thoughts of individuals bllected, they would frequently forterials for wise and able n to irove into useful tter.
let the asselies be annual, with a president only.
the representation re equal.their business wholly dostid subject to the authority of a tial gress.
let each y be divided into six, eight, or ten, ve districts, each district to send a proper nuer of delegates to gress, so that each y send at least thirty.the whole nuer in gress will be at least 390.each gress to sit and to choose a president by the followihod.when the delegates are t, let a y be taken frothe whole thirteen ies by lot, after which, let the whole gress choose (by ballot) a president froout of the delegates of that province.
in thegress, let a y be taken by lot frotwelve only, otting that y frowhich the president was taken in the fress, and so proceeding on till the whole thirteen shall have had their proper rotation.
and in order that nothing y pass into a law but what is satisfactorily just not less than three fifths of the gress to be called a jority-- he that will prote drd, under a gover so equally ford as this, would have joined lucifer in his revolt.
but as there is a peculiar delicacy, frowho or in what his business st first arise, and as it see st agreeable and sistent, that it should e froso interdiate body between the governed and the governors, that is, between the gress and the people.let a tial ference be held, in the following nner, and for the following purpose.
a ittee of twenty-six ers of gress, viz.two for each y.
two meers froeach house of assely, or provincial vention; and five representatives of the people at large, to be chosen in the capital city or town of each province, for and in behalf of the whole province, by as ny qualified voters as shall think proper to attend froall parts of the province for that purpose; or, if re ve, the representatives y be chosen in two or three of the st populous parts thereof.in this ferehus asseled, will be uhe two grand principles of business knowledge and power.the ers of gress, asselies, or ventions, by having had experien national s, will be able and useful sellors, and the whole, being eowered by the people, will have a truly leg&a;a;lt;sa&a;a;gt;&a;a;lt;/sa&a;a;gt;al authority.
the ferring ers bei, let their business be to fra a tial charter, or charter of the united ies; (answering to what is called the magna carta of england) fixing the nuer and nner of choosing ers of gress, ers of assely, with their date of sitting, and drawing the line of business and jurisdi between the(always reering, that our strength is tial, not provincial:)seg freedoand property to all n, and above all things, the free exercise ion, a to the dictates of sce; with such other tter as is necessary for a charter to tain.iediately after which, the said fereo dissolve, and the bodies which shall be chosen able to the said charter, to be the legislators&a;a;lt;tt&a;a;gt;..t&a;a;gt; and governors of this ti for the ti being: whose pead happiness y god preserve, an.
should any body of n be hereafter delegated for this or so silar purpose, i offer thethe followiracts or that wise observer on govers dragoi.
&a;a;a;quot;the sce&a;a;a;quot; says he &a;a;a;quot;of the politi sists in fixing the true point of happiness and freedo
those n would deserve the gratitude of ages, who should dver a de of goverhat taihe greatest suof individual happiness, with the least national expense.[dragoi on virtue and rewards]but where, says so, is the king of arica? ill tell you.
friend, he reigns above, and doth not ke havoankind like the royal brute of britain.yet that we y not appear to be defective even ihly honors, let a day be solely set apart for proclaing the charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the word of god; let abe placed thereon, by which the world y know, that so far rove of narchy, that in arica the law i&a;a;lt;s&a;a;gt;&a;a;lt;/s&a;a;gt;s king.for as in absolute govers the king is law, so iries the law ought to be king; and there ought to be no other.but lest any ill use should afterwards arise, let theat the clusion of the cereny, be delished, and scattered ang the people whht it is.
a gover of our own is our natural right:and when a n seriously reacts on the precariousness of hun affairs, he will bee vihat it is infinitely wiser and safer, to fora stitution of our own in ol deliberate nner, while we have it in our power, than to trust su ii to ti and ce.
if we ot it now, so [thos anello otherwise massanello a fishern of naples, who after spiriting up his tryn in the public rketplace, against the oppressions of the spaniards, to whothe place was then subject proted theto revolt, and in the space of a day beca king.]massanello y hereafter arise, who laying hold of popular disquietudes, llect together the desperate and the distented, and by assung to theelves the powers of gover, y sweep away the liberties of the ti like a deluge.should the gover of arica return again into the hands of britain, the t situation of things will be a tetation for so desperate adveo try his fortune; and in such a case, that reliefbritain give? ere shuld hear the news, the fatal business ght be done; and ourselves suffering like the wretched britons uhe oppression of the queror.ye that oppose independenow, ye know not what ye do; ye are opening a door to eternal tyranny, by keeping vat the seat of gover.there are thousands, and tens of thousands, who would think it glorious to expel frothe tihat barbarous and hellish power, which hath stirred up the indians and negroes to destroy us; the cruelty hath a double guilt, it is dealing brutally by us, and treacherously by the
to talk of friendship with those in whoour reason forbids us to have faith, and our affes wh a thousand pores instruct us to detest, is dness and folly.every day wears out the little reins of kindred between us and the andthere be any reason to hope, that as the relationship expires, the affe will increase, or that we shall agree better, when we have ten tis re and greater s to quarrel over than ever?ye that tell us of harny and reciliation,ye restore to us the ti that is past? ye give to prostitution its forr iherye recile britain and aribsp; the lasrd now is broken, the people of england are presenting addresses against us.
there are injuries whiature ot five; she would cease to be nature if she did.as wellthe lover five the ravisher of his stress, as the ti five the rders of britain.the alghty hath ilanted in us these uinguishable feelings food and wise purposes.
they are the guardians of his ige in our hearts.they distinguish us frothe herd of on anils.the social pact would dissolve, and justice be extirpated the earth, or have only a casual existence were we callous to the touches of affe.the robber, and the rderer, would often escape unpunished, did not the injuries which our teers sustain, provoke us into justice.
o ye that love nkind!ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, but the tyrant, stand forth!every spot of the old world is overrun with oppression.freedohath been hunted round the globe.asia, and africa, have long expelled her--eurards her like a stranger, and england hath given her warning to depart.o! receive the fugitive, and prepare in ti an asylufor nkind.
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